In a case that underscores the ongoing tension between religious conscience and state-mandated health care regulations, a federal court in Illinois recently struck down part of the state’s Health Care Right of Conscience Act (HCRCA). The case - Schroeder v. Treto - involves pro-life pregnancy centers and doctors who challenged an amendment to the HCRCA that required them to discuss the risks and benefits of abortion and childbirth in order to qualify for liability protections. These healthcare providers (physicians and otherwise) argued that this requirement violated their First Amendment rights, both in terms of freedom of speech and free exercise of religion.
The case was brought by attorney Thomas Schroeder, who represented several Illinois pregnancy centers and medical professionals with religious objections to abortion. They filed suit against Dr. Sameer Treto, the Director of the Illinois Department of Public health, in his “official capacity”. Schrooeder and the plaintiffs argued that Illinois’ amended law unlawfully compelled speech and punished conscience-based refusals to promote or refer abortions.
The federal district court agreed, in part. While it struck down the broader speech requirement, it also upheld a more limited provision: if a patient explicitly asks about abortion services, the provider must either refer, transfer, or give them a list of providers - but only if they intend to use the HCRCA as a defense in a malpractice suit. The court reasoned that this narrower requirement was a reasonable, triggered obligation and did not violate constitutional rights.
What’s at Stake: The Speech vs. Religion Debate
This case sits at the intersection of compelled speech and religious liberty, and to me, that’s what makes it so compelling. It raises the question: can the state force religious providers to speak about something they morally and religiously object to? And if so, where is the line between public interest and individual conscience? The constitutional issues is two-fold, and involves both Free Speech and Free Exercise:
Free Speech: Under NIFLA v. Becerra (2018), the Supreme Court held that the government cannot compel pro-life pregnancy centers to deliver state-scripted messages about abortion services. The logic from NIFLA applies almost directly to Schroeder. The Illinois law required doctors and clinics to deliver a government-approved message - even if it contradicted their values. That’s not informed consent - it’s compelled ideology.
Free Exercise of Religion: For many of the doctors and staff at these clinics, opposition to abortion isn’t just a political view - it’s a religious conviction. Compelling them to speak positively about a practice they consider morally wrong not only violates their conscience, but pressures them to participate in what they see as a sinful act. While the court didn’t find the Free Exercise claim as compelling here, I personally think the claim deserves more attention. Even if the law is “neutral and generally applicable,” as seen in Employment Division v. Smith (1990), when speech and religion overlap, the burden is hard to ignore.
Constitutional Analysis and Broader Implications
The constitutional tensions in Schroeder v. Treto are directly tied to both the Free Speech Clause and the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment. What makes this case so interesting - and in my eyes, important - is the way it forces courts to reason through what counts as a “burden” on religious conscience when that burden comes through compelled professional speech instead of direct religious conduct.
Relating to Previous Decisions
This case builds on the foundation laid by National Institute of Family and Life Advocates (NIFLA) v. Becerra (2018), in which the Supreme Court held that the state could not compel pro-life clinics to post government-mandated notices about abortion services. The Court in NIFLA emphasized that even “professional speech” is protected speech, and the government cannot override that protection simply because it thinks certain information is important. The speech required by Illinois’ HCRCA amendment - especially the section the court struck down - mirrors the flawed logic in NIFLA: that the state can mandate disclosure to be ideologically loaded under the banner of “neutral information.”
In terms of religious freedom, the case also raises questions under the framework of Employment Division v. Smith (1990), which held that neutral and generally applicable laws do not violate the Free Exercise Clause, even if they incidentally burden religious practice. However, more recent cases like Fulton v. Philadelphia (2021) and Masterpiece Cakeshop v. Colorado Civil Rights Commission (2018) (which has been seen in a previous blog post) have chipped away at Smith, especially when laws aren’t truly neutral in practice or allow for secular exceptions. While the Illinois law might look neutral on its face, it’s religious providers who are disproportionately affected - and who are being asked to violate their core beliefs or lose legal protection. To me, this feels more targeted than incidental.
Implications for Religion and Law
The biggest implication of this case is that it tests the limits of religious conscience in a post-Dobbs landscape (Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization overturned Roe v. Wade, allowing states far more control over abortion regulation). As states regulate abortion more aggressively, they will inevitably clash with individuals and institutions that hold deeply religious objections. Cases like Schroeder remind us that these clashes aren’t just about physical conduct (like refusing to provide a service), but also about forced participation in speech and messaging.
If states can compel speech about abortion - even just in “neutral” clinical settings - this threatens the constitutional protection that insulates private religious conviction from governmental control or endorsement. The line between public regulation and private religious conviction gets more blurred, which jeopardizes the integrity of our society, which is pluralistic and built on a variety of different values. Once we accept that conscience can be overridden for the sake of "informational balance," we open the door to compelled speech in any profession where religious views diverge from state policy.
Why This Case Is Important
This case is important, to me, because it points to a deeper shift in both our laws and broader cultural dynamics. In an increasingly polarized world, courts are being asked to balance competing rights: the right to access information (and abortion), and the right to abstain from ideological expression. But constitutional protections - especially around speech and religion - don’t disappear just because the speaker works in health care.
Religious freedom doesn't just mean the right to worship; it also means the right to live out those beliefs in professional and civic life. If religious providers are forced to speak words that directly contradict their beliefs, that isn’t neutrality - it’s coercion. And when the government conditions legal protection on compliance with compelled speech, it’s effectively punishing religious dissent.
So the deeper constitutional question isn’t just whether Illinois’s law “helps” patients - the real question is whether the First Amendment stops the state from using individuals to push its own message. And based on the reasoning in NIFLA, Masterpiece Cakeshop, and Fulton, the answer should be yes.
Links to Cases Referenced:
https://www.oyez.org/cases/2021/19-1392
https://www.oyez.org/cases/2017/16-111
https://www.oyez.org/cases/2017/16-1140
https://www.oyez.org/cases/2020/19-123
https://www.oyez.org/cases/1989/88-1213
https://www.oyez.org/cases/1971/70-18
4 comments:
I agree with your point that compelling speech from religious providers is not neutrality, it is coercion. The comparison to NIFLA is very effective since it shows how professional speech is still protected under the First Amendment. When the government forces individuals to say things that go against their core beliefs, even in healthcare, it threatens both free speech and religious freedom. I agree completely with your stance on this case, Luke.
I agree with your point, especially the argument that compelled speech in healthcare is not neutral. It becomes coercive. Professional speech should and still is protected under the First Amendment. Speech is speech no matter where it is. Forcing providers to choose between their job and religion to promote ideas they do not agree with does infringe on their constitutional right.
I think the compromise the federal district court made is compelling. It allows the provider's right to religious conscience while ensuring patients aren't left in the dark if they intend to actively seek information about alternatives. The provider isn't forced to advertise abortion services, but they are required to ensure that patients can access the care if they are requesting it.
It is important to consider conscience protections, but just as important to ensure access. While the amendment the HCRCA added may not feel neutral because it doesn't align with the beliefs of pro-life centers, I believe the HCRCA added the amendment to ensure that patients knew their options. I think a compromise should be made in the amendment like the one the federal district Court offers as an alternative to coercive speech while prioritizing a patient's right to access information.
The state does not have a compelling interest in forcing private institutions or individuals to relay information that directly betrays their religious beliefs. While people can be free to obtain information on their own, and the state may provide, it cannot force pro-life clinics or individuals to be responsible for sharing information on abortion in any situation. It’s not only denying their right to act in a way that follows their beliefs, but also forces them to directly act against those beliefs. Nobody is forcing anyone to walk into a pro-life pregnancy clinic. Their beliefs on abortion and life cannot be separated from the actions they take in regarding life as sacred.
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