Tuesday, March 29, 2022
Are the free exercise of religion and employment mutually exclusive? (Ricks v. Idaho Board of Contractors)
Sunday, March 27, 2022
Minton v. Dignity Health: Should Hospitals Be Allowed to Prevent Transgender Individuals From Receiving Care?
Evan Minton is a 35-year-old transgender man who had been diagnosed with gender dysphoria, a medical condition resulting from the feeling of incongruence between one’s gender identity and one’s sex assigned at birth. As a result, he was scheduled to receive a hysterectomy to treat his condition at Mercy San Juan Medical Center, a hospital in the religious Dignity Health chain. Mr. Minton’s surgeon was someone who regularly performed hysterectomies and even had one scheduled immediately following Mr. Minton’s scheduled procedure. Two days prior to his operation, a nurse called to discuss the final details of the surgery and during the conversation, Milton mentioned that he is transgender. The next day, the surgeon was told that he couldn’t perform the surgery, and a representative from the hospital called to cancel the procedure.
Dignity Health regularly performs this kind of medical procedure to patients who are not transgender. The surgeon assigned to this case has said that this is the first time the hospital has ever prevented her from doing this surgery and that it is clear that it was canceled for religious reasons because of Minton being transgender. The lawsuit, filed in state court in California, alleges that Dignity Health’s cancellation of the hysterectomy because Mr. Minton is transgender, violates California’s Unruh Civil Rights Act, which prohibits businesses from discrimination based on gender identity. The San Francisco Superior Court dismissed the case, and Mr. Minton appealed. The case brings up the question: Should the hospital’s actions of refusing to allow Minton’s doctor to perform a hysterectomy procedure be protected under the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment?
In 2019, the California Court of Appeal decided that Minton could pursue a claim for discrimination based on the hospital’s cancellation of his surgery. They also ruled that Dignity Health doesn’t have a constitutional right to violate California's nondiscrimination law. Eventually, the case made its way all the way up to the Supreme Court. However, they declined to hear the case.
This is a case where both sides can make extremely interesting and valid arguments. In fact, the Supreme Court has ruled on similar cases regarding LQBTQ rights in the past. In Fulton v. Philadelphia, the city of Philadelphia refused to contract with Catholic Social Services because they wouldn’t allow children to be placed in homes of same-sex couples for religious reasons. Eventually, the court would rule that the city's actions violated CCS's right to free exercise of religion and that the anti-discrimination law that Philadelphia had in place wasn’t neutral and therefore, couldn’t be used to defend their actions. On the other hand, in Employment Division v. Smith, the court held that an individual's religious beliefs shouldn’t excuse them from compliance with an otherwise valid law prohibiting conduct that the government is free to regulate. Additionally, there are cases like Bostock v. Clayton County which prohibited employment discrimination against any individual because of their race, color, religion, sex, or national origin.
Taking these decisions into consideration and comparing them to my own understanding of Minton v. Dignity Health, it is my belief that the hospital was wrong to prevent Minton from receiving that surgery. The California Unruh Civil Rights Act is a clear and neutral law that ensures that all persons within the jurisdiction of the state are free and equal and no matter what they are entitled to full and equal accommodations, advantages, facilities, privileges, or services in all business establishments of every kind. The hospital’s refusal of these rights to Minton was a clear violation of the California Unruh Civil Rights Act. Given the previous ruling of Employment Division v. Smith Dignity Health should not be permitted to act on and promote discrimination based on gender identity just because of their religious beliefs. Unlike the ruling in Fulton v. Philadelphia, I believe this California law to be completely neutral and therefore, completely enforceable. All individuals should be able to receive any necessary medical treatment regardless of any other factor. When it comes to health, discrimination of any kind shouldn’t be tolerated. Undertaking this case wouldn’t have provided any additional burden on the hospital, especially since the surgeon was willing to perform the surgery and was prevented from doing so. Allowing the hospital to discriminate in this case could lead to the presence of a slippery slope and push the limits of what forms of discrimination might be accepted in the future. In order to prevent this from happening, we must recognize that Dignity Health’s actions in this were incorrect and a clear violation of Mr. Minton’s rights. Thus, this is a case in which I would say it is ok to limit one’s free exercise of religion.Middle School Teacher Refuses to refer to Students by there Preferred Names and Pronouns
Secular Crosses?
The main question in this case is whether the crosses constitute an establishment of religion. Crosses are typically a religious symbol, and they are on public property owned by the city. The party who is raising the concern over the establishment of religion has never visited the town of Elizabethton and were misinformed about the crosses, as there are apparently another set of crosses across the town that are on private property. Outside of this confusion, though, Heineman continues to argue that there do not appear to be any other messages or meaning besides an endorsement of Christianity. This case is similar to the case Stone v Graham in which the Supreme Court ruled that a Kentucky law requring the Ten Commandments to be posted in every public classroom was a violation of the establishment clause. There was an argument that the Commandments had a secular purpose and there would even be a print at the bottom of each, pointing out this purpose in the legal code of the law of the US. In Elizabethton, the crosses may be allowed if there is a secular purpose behind them. Also, there are arguments that the town residents will be incredibly upset if these crosses are taken down, as they are an important symbol in the community. There have not been complaints from residents before, and the ones bringing this complaint are from outside the area.
In my opinion, I believe this is considered a clear establishment of religion. Constitutionality is more important than feelings or emotions, so it may be upsetting to the residents if they are taken down because many believe in what the crosses represent, but I find it difficult to see the secular purpose behind them. A court does not want to rule on centrality, but a cross is the most important symbol in the Christian faiths. Also, the crosses are on public property, hence, there is no separation of church and state. Tradition plays a role, as the town is clearly very religious and traditional with the Christian faith, and there were no complaints by minority religious groups beforehand. However, the placement of the crosses is not neutral, as it clearly supports the Christian faith. I think it can be argued that there is no compelling state interest to take down the crosses because there was no violence or evidence that people were opposed to them before this out-of-state group interferred. Regardless, this case comes down to the fact that there is a religious symbol on public property.
If the crosses are allowed to stay, this becomes a slippery slope. The establishment clause helps protect minority religious groups from being subjected to majority opinions. In this case, it appears that the government in the city is supporting religions of the cross, disregarding other faiths. Interestingly, in American Legion v. The American Humanist Association, the Supreme Court recently ruled that a cross in a memorial park honoring veterans in Bladensburg, Maryland, was not considered an establishment of religion. In this case, the Park and Planning sector of the government even paid for repairs to the cross. The court argued that the cross passed the Lemon test, not advancing, inhibiting, or endorsing religion because it has a historical importance. The difference here is that the cross was part of a memorial, instead of just a plot of public land on a hilltop. If the government allows these crosses, they can start allowing more religious symbols or religious messages to be passed around in an unconstitutional manner. I think it is unconstitutional to allow for such a blatantly religious symbol to be allowed to sit on public property in view of an entire town.
Sources:
https://www.wate.com/news/organization-calls-for-removal-of-elizabethton-crosses/
https://www.wkrn.com/news/tennessee-news/protestors-gather-in-support-of-elizabethton-crosses/
https://www.britannica.com/event/Stone-v-Graham
Janny v. Gamez
Wednesday, March 23, 2022
Davis v. Ermold: Denying a Marriage License
In 2015 the Supreme Court's decision on Obergefell v. Hodges, won same-sex couples the right to marry nationwide. Following this decision, Kim Davis, a Kentucky clerk in Rowan County, refused to issue all marriage licenses due to her religious objection to same-sex marriages. In her role, Davis served as an elected official and worked for the state. Since she denied all marriage licenses, she was sued by gay and straight couples and spent a few days in jail. The plaintiffs are couples David Ermold and David Moore, and James Yates and Will Smith who are suing for damages against Davis. The Supreme Court declined to take the case in 2020, therefore letting the lawsuit move forward to a Kentucky federal district court.
Kim Davis, the defendant. |
The issue is between the two sides both having claims to constitutional rights. Davis' Free Exercise of her religious beliefs versus the plaintiffs' Fourteenth Amendment right to marry. In defense of her violating the plaintiffs' Constitutional rights, Davis claims qualified immunity which "protects a government official from lawsuits alleging that the official violated a plaintiff's rights, only allowing suits where officials violated a 'clearly established' statutory or constitutional right."
On March 18, 2022 the Kentucky federal district court threw out Davis' claim of qualified immunity, saying, "Davis did not make a mistake. Rather, she knowingly violated the law." Therefore allowing the plaintiffs to seek damages with their civil rights argument. The Constitutional question at hand here is: Does Davis' Constitutional right to Free Exercise allow her to deny the plaintiffs' Constitutional right to marry in her role as a governmental official?
The Court's decision to deny Davis' claim of qualified immunity was discussed: "Ultimately, the Court's determination is simple- Davis cannot use her own constitutional rights as a shield to violate the constitutional rights of others while performing her duties as an elected official." The case could be appealed to the Supreme Court again, but it is interesting to note what Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas noted when the Court initially decided to not hear the Davis case. Thomas remake it was a "stark reminder of the consequences" of the Obergefell decision and because of that case, "those with sincerely held religious beliefs concerning marriage will find it increasingly difficult to participate in society without running afoul."
I agree with the decision made in the Kentucky federal district court that Davis was acting unconstitutionally in denying the couples' rights to marry. The most convincing argument is that Davis is a government elected employee who must adhere to the federal and state laws of the land. There is an extremely evident government interest in the state handing out marriage licenses, and since this is a key part of her role as the county clerk, the state interest is much larger than her own personal beliefs. Also, since she is an elected official, her job is to serve the citizens that elected her, rather than put her own beliefs before their interest. Davis could choose to not politically or personally support same-sex marriage, but to deny these couples marriage license is vehemently against the law and her role as clerk.
This case has key differences from the Masterpiece decision. Because the baker did not deny the couple the right to be married, but rather denied them a wedding cake which was argued to be the baker's right as a private individual. In this case, Davis' Free Exercise would directly deny the couple the right to be married since her governmental elected role is to give marriage licenses. In response to Justice Thomas' brief comments on the case saying that people who are religiously against gay marriage "will find it increasingly difficult to participate in society without running afoul," I find this apply closer to the Masterpiece case. Davis is much different from the baker since she is not in a private business, but rather the key official handing out marriage licenses. Her denying the license is a clear and direct violation of the couples' constitutional right to marry, where the Masterpiece case did not have such an impactful violation.
Furthermore, in the Obergefell decision, the Supreme Court affirmed, "The right to marry is a fundamental right inherent in the liberty of the person, and under the Due Process and Equal Protection Clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment couples of the same-sex may not be deprived of that right and that liberty." Therefore it is clear that the Obergefell recognizes the Plaintiffs' constitutional right to marry. Her role as a public government official denies her the right to clearly and purposefully refuse the rights of couples to obtain marriage licenses. Kentucky statue says that "no marriage shall be solemnized without a license therefore. The license shall be issued by the clerk of the county in which the [applicant] resides..." Since licenses must be given by the county clerk for a legal marriage, Davis' refusal to grant one denies the only path to legal marriage in Kentucky, clearly breaking the Fourteenth Amendment in connection to Obergfell. Therefore, her case for Free Exercise of her religious beliefs does not allow her to deny all the same-sex couples' right to marry due to her role as an elected clerk and the clearly defined right to marry under the Fourteenth Amendment and the Obergefell decision. To say that her right of Free Exercise of religion is greater than the couples' right to marry is a direct violation of the Obergefell decision and its established precedent in all fifty states.
Sources:
http://religionclause.blogspot.com/2022/03/court-clerk-violated-rights-of-same-sex.html
Monday, March 21, 2022
Gordon College v. DeWeese-Boyd
This case involves Gordon College which is a private Christain university and a professor of theirs DeWeese-Boyd. Gordon College is a Christain university who wants their students and employees to have the same values as them. The article, Religious Liberty Initiative Files Amicus Brief in Gordon v. DeWeese-Boyd, states that the university, “Requires students and faculty to sign a statement of faith and agree to live by the standards of their Christain faith.” We automatically see the layout of their intrinsic belief and how important it is for the university that their students and faculty share that belief. The article also mentions something called the “ministerial exemption.” Which was explained to be, “The ministerial exception generally protects the freedom of religious institutions - including religious schools - to select individuals who play certain key roles in service of the institutions’ religious mission.” This is important because it shows how the religious institutions need to be protected under this and the religious actors who are important to drive their message.
Now looking at DeWeese-Boyd she was a professor at this college who they did not promote from her former position, associate professor of social work, because the university felt as though, “her performance fell short of Gordon’s standards for faculty scholarship and institutional service.” As a result of this she decided to sue them with their state court. The college argued this by saying they are protected under the ministerial exemption which the article says that the court needs to remain out of this matter. Looking at another article from Alliance Defending Freedom, Can a Court Dictate How a Christain College Carries Out its Mission?, states, “The Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts ruled that the Christain college could not make employment decisions based on its core religious mission. But it is Gordon College that gets to make that call, not a court.” Then they say this is why they have petitioned the supreme court. The main issue here is the question asked by Alliance Defending Freedom: can the court weigh in on the hiring in a private religious institution when it is based on their beliefs and message they are wanting to send to their students.
Here now we are looking at the universities freedom to exercise their religion. While the court isn’t denying them their ability to practice their religion they are in a way punishing them for not promoting someone who doesn’t live up to their standards. The court should not have the ability to force the university to hire or promote someone that doesn’t fit their standards or reach the requirements they are wanting their faculty to meet. The court shouldn’t have a say in this because it is a private religious university that wants to hire based on their religious belief and the government shouldn’t be able to interject in that. This is a threat to freedom of religion because this private religious university now runs the risk of the court telling them who they can and cannot hire. They want their employees to be of their faith and the court is saying they cannot do exactly that which is a threat to their freedom of religion. The university wants all of their students and faculty to share the same religion that is known by the students and the people who are employed there. DeWeese-Boyd doesn’t have the right to work at this university so if she doesn’t want to live up to the standard that this university has she has the right to go to another university. Their standards are clearly laid out in the statement of faith the university has all students and faculty have therefore they are aware of what they are getting themselves into.
I believe that the university should have the ability to hire people that share their beliefs. I think especially because it is a private religious institution that wants to spread that message should be allowed to have the standard that their employees are of that faith. I believe that the court overstepping and attempting to dictate who this university can hire is a slippery slope. Although I do see the compelling state interest where this could be seen as the university discriminating based on religion while this is a Christain university who believes specific things and they want their belief to be intertwined with their message therefore I believe they have the right to hire and promote people who share that belief and meet their standard.
https://law.nd.edu/news-events/news/rli-amicus-brief-gordon-college/
https://adflegal.org/blog/can-court-dictate-how-christian-college-carries-out-its-mission
Young Israel of Tampa v. Hillsborough Area Regional Transit.
The Orthodox Jewish synagogue known as Young Israel of Tampa
hosts various events to celebrate Jewish holidays. Young Israel has been
holding an event called “Chanukah on Ice” for the last fourteen years as a family
celebration intended to share the Jewish faith with their community. In 2020, Young
Israel submitted and application to promote Chanukah on Ice on a local bus
route operated by Hillsborough Area Regional Transit (HART). The proposed
advertisement included a picture of a menorah and said, “Ice skating to Jewish
Music around the flaming menorah”. At the time, HART had a policy banning any
advertisement that aims to promote alcohol, tobacco, illegal drugs, obscenity,
nudity, pornography, politics, and religion. Since their policy forbids any
religious advertisements, Young Israel’s proposal was denied. Rabbi Rivkin, vice
president of Young Israel of Tampa, appealed to the CEO of HART but was still
denied. The CEO required that for their proposal to accepted them must remove the image of the menorah and any
reference to the lighting of the menorah. Rabbi Rivkin and his synagogue refused
this request and filed a lawsuit against HART on the grounds that their policy
and their denial of Young Israel’s advertisement violates the First Amendment.
The essential question in regards to this case is did Hillsborough
Area Regional Transit violate Young Israel’s First Amendment right of Free
Speech? The United States District Court for the Middle District of Florida granted
summary judgement in favor of Young Israel a little less than a year after the
initial lawsuit was filed on February 5, 2021. The court ruled that HART’s
policy was unconstitutional because it not only violates the Free Speech Clause,
but it also violates the Free Exercise Clause by singling religion out for “disfavored
treatment”. The policy violates the Free Speech Clause because it places “an
unreasonable restriction based on content” and “discriminates based on viewpoint”.
The court explains that there is no evidence to suggest religious speech would disrupt
its transit system and therefore is placing an unreasonable restriction on the
synagogue. Additionally, HART allows advertisements for various subjects and to
ban ads that address those subjects from a religious viewpoint constitutes
viewpoint discrimination and is not permissible under the constitution.
I agree with the decision of the court for this case. HART’s bus routes act similar to a limited open forum because they allow a wide array of advertisements to be bought and displayed. When they denied Young Israel’s advertisement proposal, they explicitly stated that it was due to the religious nature of the material. This is a constitutional violation because people cannot be excluded from utilizing a limited open forum when the same event or message would be allowed if it wasn’t presented from a religious viewpoint. We see this precedent utilized in Lamb’s Chapel v. Moriches Union Free School when a church was denied access from showing a religious film on school premises after hours. The same principles apply to this case. HART must act neutrally between non-religion and religion. There is no doubt that they would have allowed the promotion of any event like this so long as it was not religious in nature. However, because the ad takes a religious perspective, their proposal was declined. Denying access to a limited public forum because of religion is not a neutral act between non-religion and religion. In the end, this amounts to viewpoint discrimination since the only reason that Young Israel’s proposal was denied was due to the religious viewpoint of the advertisement proposed. Additionally, there is no legitimate argument that allowing this advertisement would constitute an establishment of religion. Similar to the Lamb’s Chapel, I believe the court would argue that no reasonable person would believe this event was endorsed or sponsored by HART. However, the Supreme Court is taking on Shurtleff v. Boston, which is a case very similar to this one, and they’ll have to decide if it is constitutional for the City of Boston to refuse flying a private religious organizations flag depicting a cross in front of City Hall. I think the court will rule similarly to how they have in previous cases like Lamb’s Chapel v. Moriches Union Free School, but perhaps they won’t and decisions like this one will be appealed.
Links to references and related pages:
Decision in Young Israel of Tampa v. Hillsborough Area Regional Transit
Saturday, March 19, 2022
Undocumented Immigrants and Religious Freedom in Alabama
In 2011, the State of Alabama passed the most restrictive immigration law in the country. A specific section of the bill made it illegal to harbor undocumented immigrants in any form, meaning that anyone in the country illegally could not seek refuge in a church. It also meant that anyone that was caught helping these immigrants could be subject to criminal charges. According to Mobile, Alabama’s archbishop, this law would make it illegal for undocumented immigrants to practice their religion. Bishop Robert J. Baker of the Catholic Diocese of Birmingham claims that the law, “aims to shut the doors of our churches and social ministries, against our wills, to a whole class of people, denying them access to such basic human needs as food, clothing, shelter, and, most importantly, worship of God.”
Mobile Archbishop Thomas J. Rodi also claims that the law, “makes it illegal for a Catholic priest to baptize, hear the confession of, celebrate the anointing of the sick with, or preach the word of God to, and undocumented immigrant. Nor can we encourage them to attend Mass or give them a ride to Mass.” Church officials point out that their institution is not in charge of boarder security or who is allowed to remain in the country, but once those people are in their community, the church has a responsibility to connect them to God. Several religious institutions as well as the US Justice Department brought legal challenges against the law, eventually reaching the Supreme Court. However, in 2013 the Court declined to hear the case, meaning that the Court has yet to rule in its constitutionality.
One could approach the constitutionality of this law from two perspectives, one from the eyes of the undocumented immigrants, and one from the eyes of the church. The Constitution of the United States was designed to protect its citizen’s rights from the government, but this law brings up the question about whether or not those rights extend to non-citizens. If these illegal immigrants were in the country legally, this law would most certainly be a violation of their rights. I would argue that the constitutional right to the free exercise of religion should extend to these immigrants.
The Constitution was meant to be a recognition of human rights, and whether or not these people are in the country illegally, they are still human. Therefore, they should enjoy the same protections of religious freedom that American citizens do. If we apply the Sherbert Test, it clearly supports that this is a violation of the free exercise of religion. These immigrants certainly have a sincere belief in their Christian faith, and the government action of preventing churches from giving them service certainly is a substantial burden. There definitely is a compelling state interest in enforcing the nation’s immigration laws, but I believe that there is a less restrictive means to accomplish that goal. Other states seem to manage enforcement of their immigration laws without attacking freedom of religion, so I see no need for Alabama to continue this practice. However, this does raise a slippery slope concern. Someone might decide to form a church with the sole goal of shielding undocumented immigrants from law enforcement.
This law is also an assault on the church’s freedom of religion. Churches in Alabama have a religious obligation to help anyone that seeks them out find God, including undocumented immigrants. This law would mean that if the church were to offer religious services to these immigrants, they could face criminal charges themselves. This law essentially makes a major pillar of the Christian faith illegal, which is a clear violation of their freedom of religion. Using the Sherbert Test for the church also supports this. The church and its members certainly have a sincere religious belief and facing criminal charges for practicing a major pillar of their faith is definitely a substantial burden on the church’s ability to act on their beliefs. Again, there is a compelling state interest to enforce immigration policy, however there definitely is a less restrictive means to accomplish that goal. This immigration law definitely represents a major restriction on the free exercise of religion of both the 120,000 illegal immigrants in the State of Alabama, but also the churches that would open their doors to these people and face criminal charges for it.
https://www.ncronline.org/news/new-immigration-law-makes-christian-charity-illegal-say-church-leaders
Dugan v. Bowser: Should Children Still Be Wearing Masks In School?
On February 14, 2022, Mayor Bowser, the Mayor of the District of Columbia, announced a lift of the masking mandate that stated people must wear masks indoors for all activities in the District, such as in restaurants and bars, concerts, and sporting events. With this being said, the children who attend Catholic schools in the District still are required to wear masks all day in their classrooms. The defendants believe that requiring these children to wear masks in their classrooms for seven hours a day, while allowing other children and adults to not wear masks anywhere else, is simply irrational. Even Congress, located in the District of Columbia, lifted its mask mandate for Members of Congress and their staff. The Plaintiffs involved in this case, Sheila Dugan and Matthew Johnson, are the parents that exercise their religion by sending their children to a Catholic school and believe that sending their children to this school provides them with important, faith-based information which is suitable for their children’s stage in life. The Catholic school is still under the mask mandate although there has been both secular and other religious activities that do not require masking, such as attending Mass. The plaintiffs claim that the mask mandate may appear unconstitutional, but more importantly, it is severely impeding upon the children’s Catholic formation and education. The children have to wear the masks for seven hours a day which has led the children to have headaches and dizziness. The children also complain frequently about difficulty in breathing and physical discomfort in class, which only distracts them from the material they are learning. Adding to this, the children have also been faced with multiple disciplinary acts due to mask wearing and the plaintiffs add that their children often have trouble hearing or understanding their teachers due to the masks. With this, the children are not only missing out on social and educational opportunities in their classroom, but also have completely lost their interest in school. With the background information presented, is requiring children who attend Catholic schools in the District of Columbia to wear masks for the duration of the school day a violation of their free exercise of religion under the First Amendment? In addition, does requiring children in Catholic schools to wear masks for the duration of the school day cause a substantial burden on their education and religion?
For starters, looking into more factual allegations about COVID-19, over the past couple months the vaccines have started to take off and be a beneficial way to mitigate the spread of the highly contagious virus. With this, schools have been found to be safer than the general community due to the fact that they have been using testing, frequent hand washing, and hand-sanitation stations throughout the course of COVID-19. In addition, the communicative aspect of education, especially regarding religion, is completely lost with the masking. In order to properly engage in the process, it is key for children to be able to read facial expressions when learning to read, speak articulately, and develop rhetorical skills. The parents of these Catholic school children have held a town hall meeting for concerned parents and wrote letters regarding the COVID-19 restrictions on schools to the District and the D.C. Department of Health. Days later the D.C. Department of Health’s General Counsel stalled by responding that it would need additional time to review the revised CDC guidelines while the D.C. Department of Health did not respond at all.
Under the First Amendment, the Constitution states that no law should prohibit the free exercise of religion. In this case, Mayor Bowser as well as the D.C. Health Department continues to burden children in Catholic schools with requiring them to wear a mask for the entirety of the school day. Therefore, requiring masks solely for Catholic schools in the District violates the free exercise of religion of the parents and the children due to the fact that they cannot practice their religion without being burdened by the state. Looking into surrounding areas masking policies, the Districts neighbor, Maryland did not impose a masking mandate for private schools and lifted the statewide public school mask mandate. Most recently, on March 4, 2022, the parents sent an additional request to relieve the mask mandate due to the fact that other colleges and universities, like the Catholic University of America, were dropping their campus mask mandates. Due to these surrounding circumstances, I believe that Mayor Bowser and the D.C Health Department is burdening children in Catholic schools. Due to the fact that the children are complaining about physical reactions to the masks and because COVID-19 has been mitigated through vaccines and immunity, I believe there is also a compelling state interest for the children not to wear a mask. Going to another level, it seems as though Mayor Bowser’s mask mandate is not neutral to all people in the District, and therefore, seems discriminatory to the Catholic religion in my opinion. I believe that in this case, the children's health needs to be prioritized. With this being said, there also needs to be a line between church and state. By allowing students in Catholic schools to go maskless does not imply that Mayor Bowser establishes the Catholic church, therefore I see no reason why these children are still wearing masks in school.
Link for Maryland mask mandate:
https://www.washingtonpost.com/education/2022/02/22/mask-mandate-maryland/
Link for Catholic University of America mask mandate:
"The Case Against Masks at School":
https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2022/01/kids-masks-schools-weak-science/621133/
Friday, March 18, 2022
Singh vs. McHugh
Iknoor Singh, born and raised in Queens, New York, was a Sikh college student at Hofstra University who was denied enlistment into the Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) unless he shaved his beard, removed his turban, and cut his hair. These requirements were in accordance with Army grooming policies. It was a lifelong dream to serve in the Army, so Singh requested a religious exemption from these regulations. Unfortunately, the Army officials at the university rejected this request. This rejection left Singh with the choice between a lifelong dream or upholding his religious faith. In response, Singh brought a lawsuit against the Secretary of the US Army (John McHugh), the Commander of the ROTC program at Hofstra University (Lieutenant Colonel Daniel Cederman) and other Army officials (James McConville and Peggy Combs) in November of 2014.
In the present case, known as Singh v. McHugh, we must assess the claim of religious freedom against the claim of national unity and discipline in the armed forces. Did the Army violate Singh’s free exercise of religion under the First Amendment of the Constitution by denying an accommodation to the grooming and uniform policy?
First and foremost, it should be clarified that Sikhs have been allowed to enlist in the US Army in the past with the same accommodation requests being granted. Singh argued that the Army’s refusal to grant his accommodation violated the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA). The RFRA, which became law in 1993, seeks to protect religious practice and expression. More specifically, the RFRA prohibits any agency of the United States from substantially burdening a person’s free exercise of religion. This act also states that the government may burden a person’s exercise of religion if the burden is of compelling governmental interest or if it is the least restrictive means of furthering compelling governmental interest. The arguments made by Singh were similar to those seen in Di Liscia v. Austin in which Edmund Di Liscia (and other Muslin sailors) claimed that their beards were ‘an expression of obedience to God’ while the Navy claimed that having a beard reduced safety and effectiveness of protective equipment. Despite the claims by the Navy, there was no proof that allowance of a beard would hinder safety. The same may be said about Singh’s accommodation requests.
The Army initially argued that allowing this accommodation would undermine readiness, unit cohesion, health, safety, and most importantly, discipline. Relating back to rules set forth by the RFRA, the Army claimed that they were allowed to deny the accommodations because this standard is in furtherance of a compelling state interest in maintaining a strong, disciplined, rule-abiding military. This argument rings similar to the points made in O’Lone v. Estate of Shabazz (1987) in which inmates at New Jersey’s Leesburg State Prison were denied attendance at Jumu'ah. In this case, the prison officials argued that any accommodation to the rules set in place (work assignments determined by custody classifications) would negatively affect security and order. Although these are entirely separate cases, both argue that security, order, and safety serve as compelling governmental interest. Despite this initial argument, the Army later claimed that they could not provide this accommodation because Singh was not formally enlisted. Until he enlists, the exemption can not be granted and he must obey the regulation.
I believe that the Army did violate Singh’s free exercise of religion under the First Amendment of the Constitution by denying the accommodation to the grooming and uniform policy. While this case never made it to the United States Supreme Court, I found great insights from various US District Court judges. For one, US District Court Judge Amy Jackson said, "Given the tens of thousands of exceptions the Army has already made to its grooming and uniform policies, its successful accommodation of observant Sikhs in the past, and the fact that, at this time, plaintiff is seeking only to enroll in the ROTC program, the Army's refusal to permit him to do so while adhering to his faith cannot survive the strict scrutiny that RFRA demands." I would agree with every point made by Judge Amy Jackson. It is clear that observant Sikhs have been allowed accommodations in the past (as shown in the image at the bottom of this blog post), so there is no reason to deny an accommodation in this instance. The Constitution was adopted to protect the rights of all people, specifically minority groups. It appears that observant Sikhs are underrepresented in the US Army, but this does not provide justification to disregard their religious beliefs. Denying this accommodation would be blatantly overlooking the rights of minority groups which is in clear violation of the United States Constitution. We may consider Iknoor Singh as a minority in terms of his race and religious affiliation, but also in terms of his young, impressionable age. I believe that the actions of the ROTC officials are overbearing and coercive toward this young man who simply wants to follow his dreams of serving in the Army. In addition to this, I believe that this denial placed a substantial burden on Iknoor Singh's ability to practice his religion, and therefore, failed the Sherbert Test. There is far more compelling state interest in protecting the religious liberties of all groups rather than protecting the image of ‘unity’ and ‘discipline’ in the military. There is no proof that allowing this accommodation would undermine unit cohesion or safety, and until any proof is shown, this accommodation should be allowed.
Citations
https://www.aclu.org/cases/singh-v-mchugh
https://www.acludc.org/en/cases/singh-v-mchugh
https://www.congress.gov/bill/103rd-congress/house-bill/1308